publications | Endre Borbáth

Articles in peer reviewed journals

2024

Acta Pol.

Movement parties in Europe: a comparative assessment

Endre Borbáth , and Fred Paxton

Acta Politica, 2024

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Research on political parties and social movements has long developed independently, separated by the disciplinary boundaries of political science and sociology. We see the recent successes of ‘movement parties’ as a push to bridge the two disciplinary traditions in order to describe this new hybrid party type accurately. To this end, we ask to what extent and under what conditions do we observe movement parties in European party systems, and how can we define the various subtypes? In the introduction to the special issue, we make three contributions. First, we identify existing definitions and empirical examples in the study of movement parties based on a systematic review of the emerging literature. Second, we operationalize Herbert Kitschelt’s influential definition of lower levels of programmatic and organizational investment coupled with a higher degree of protest mobilization. Third, we introduce the individual contributions to the special issue and situate them within the relevant theoretical debates. Utilizing a new set of quantitative indicators, we empirically assess how parties identified as movement parties in the existing literature score on programmatic, organizational, and protest dimensions. The analysis underscores the heterogeneity of movement parties, with only a few cases aligning with Kitschelt’s comprehensive definition.
SER

Varieties of trade union protest

Gesine Höltmann , Endre Borbáth , and Swen Hutter

Socio-Economic Review, 2024

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The article examines varieties of trade union protest across industrial relations regimes, using protest event data for 27 European countries between 2000 and 2021. We present a large-n analysis of how the level and ‘movement character’ of union protest covaries with the strength and institutional settings of union movements across regimes. We show that unions remain important protest actors and that union protest in the public sphere notably outweighs workplace-related strikes. Furthermore, we find an inverse relationship between union institutionalization and the ‘movement character’ of union protest: While strong union movements in highly institutionalized regimes display a strike-heavy repertoire, weaker union movements in contexts of low institutionalization rely heavily on protest actions beyond the workplace strike. With these findings, we provide a novel empirical assessment of what unions do in the protest arena and how institutional settings can be conducive to strike-heavy versus protest-heavy union tactics.
JEPP

Environmental protests in Europe

Endre Borbáth , and Swen Hutter

Journal of European Public Policy, 2024

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Despite growing attention to the resurgence of environmental, and especially climate-related mobilisation in Europe, comparative assessments across countries and over time are lacking. Using classic social movement theories (grievances, opportunities, resources), we examine the frequency, profile, and drivers of environmental protest. We conduct a two-step analysis based on the updated PolDem protest event dataset covering 27 European countries from 2000 to 2021. We move from descriptive accounts to dynamic regressions, modelling the cross-national and temporal variation in the number of environmental protests, the participants involved, and their share of all events. The results highlight 2019 as pivotal for environmental protests, with a peak in participants and heightened salience in Europe’s protest landscape. Typical environmental protests are well-attended, symbolic, and confrontational actions, exclusively focussed on the issue, and draw support from both professional and non-professional organisations. Temporal variation in the number and share of environmental protests is related to proxy measures for resources in the environmental field, while participation rates correlate with political opportunities as measured by governments’ positions on environmental protection. Thus, the simultaneous presence of opportunities and resources tends to create an ‘explosive mix’, fuelling environmental protest dynamics.
Acta Pol.

Party system transformation from below: protests by Jobbik and LMP

Endre Borbáth , and Pál Susánszky

Acta Politica, 2024

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Recent changes in European politics—such as the rise of so-called movement parties on both the left and the right—call for a rethinking of the links between protest dynamics and party system transformation. In this paper, we contribute to the theoretical and empirical understanding of the mechanisms that unfold in periods of intensified interactions between protest and electoral politics through a case study of the transformation of the Hungarian party system. We ask what mechanisms drive parties’ involvement in protests before and after entering parliament. We focus on two competitors: the radical right Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik) and the green party Politics Can Be Different (LMP). Using a dataset of protest events compiled from Hungarian news agency reports and official police records, we map the protest network mobilized by the two parties between 2002 and 2022. We analytically distinguish and empirically identify three different mobilization mechanisms: strengthening the party’s profile by protesting its own issue, using protest mobilization to build alliances with other parties and actors, or relying on protest to establish a presence at the local level. The empirical results show that Jobbik relies on protest through a combination of different mechanisms, while LMP uses protest to broaden its issue profile and build alliances with other political parties. Over time, both parties increasingly rely on protest to establish a local presence outside of Budapest.

2023

WEP

Cleavage politics, polarisation and participation in Western Europe

Endre Borbáth , Swen Hutter , and Arndt Leininger

West European Politics, 2023

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Polarisation over cultural issues and the emergence of radical, often populist, challenger parties indicate a fundamental restructuring of political conflict in Western Europe. The emerging divide crosscuts and, in part, reshapes older cleavages. This special issue introduction highlights how the transformation of cleavage structures relates to the dynamics of polarisation and political participation. The contributions to the special issue innovate in two ways. First, they adapt concepts and measures of ideological and affective polarisation to the context of Europe’s multi-party and multi-dimensional party competition. Second, they emphasise electoral and protest politics, examining how ideological and affective polarisation shape electoral and non-electoral participation. Apart from introducing the contributions, the introduction combines different datasets – the Chapel Hill Expert Survey, Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and the European Social Survey – to sketch an empirical picture of differentiated polarisation with types of polarisation only weakly associated cross-arena, cross-nationally and over time.
PolBeh

Differentiation in Protest Politics - Participation by Political Insiders and Outsiders

Endre Borbáth

Political Behavior, 2023

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The political participation literature has documented a long-term trend of the normalization of noninstitutional participation that is often equated with the conventionalization of engagement in protest politics. Less is known on the extent to which noninstitutional forms are differentiated by their mobilization context. Population surveys find it difficult to contextualize individual engagement, and on-site surveys point to effects that are hard to generalize. This study fills this gap by emphasizing differentiation and distinguishing participation according to the issue of engagement. It introduces a conceptual distinction between political insiders and outsiders, defined based on the extent to which they are embedded in the organizational landscape of the dominant cleavage dimension. Using an original survey conducted in Germany during the Covid-19 crisis, the analysis demonstrates that general-population surveys are fit to examine issue-specific participation patterns. The results expose an insider and outsider divide, captured by the effect of attitudinal and behavioral indicators, and demonstrates that the two groups are equally likely to participate in noninstitutional forms. However, insiders engage on the established issues of climate and anti-racism, whereas outsiders engage on the new issues of Covid-19 related economic assistance and civil liberties restrictions. In addition, dynamic models reveal that noninstitutional participation is rooted in volatile issue preferences. Overall, the paper argues that participation during the Covid-19 crisis has furthered the trend towards a differentiated protest arena.

2022

ECEU

A Typology of Postcommunist Successor Parties in Central and Eastern Europe and an Explanatory Framework for Their (Non-)Success

Seongcheol Kim , and Endre Borbáth

East Central Europe, 2022

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This article revisits the phenomenon of postcommunist successor parties – defined as the formal successor organizations of state-socialist ruling parties – in Central and Eastern Europe three decades after the transformative events of 1989–91 and two decades after the most recent period of sustained academic interest in the topic. The article begins with a critical reexamination of the late 1990s and early 2000s comparative politics literature on postcommunist successor parties, noting in particular its reliance on path dependency as well as subsequent empirical developments that cannot be explained by established approaches. From here, this article argues that major changes in the electoral fortunes of numerous successor parties since the mid-2000s require instead a relational perspective on party competition and interactions with competitor parties in the respective party systems, allowing for the identification of realigning elections in which successor parties are programmatically outflanked or crowded out on one or more issue dimensions by competitors or vice versa. The article applies this perspective to reexamine successor parties in six countries that exhibit a pronounced explanatory deficit vis-à-vis the previous literature: Czech Republic, (the former East) Germany, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia. In doing so, it draws on expert survey (ches) data and postelection studies on voter flows in addition to qualitative case analyses in order to demonstrate these interactions at work in critical phases of successor-party decline or growth.
German Pol.

Protest and Electoral Breakthrough: Challenger Party-Movement Interactions in Germany

Manès Weisskircher , Swen Hutter , and Endre Borbáth

German Politics, 2022

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This paper studies party-movement interactions in Germany, focusing on Die Linke and the AfD, the two most recent additions to Germany’s multi-party system. The electoral rise of both challenger parties went along with mass protests, opposition to Hartz IV in the mid-2000s and anti-Islamic PEGIDA mobilisation in the mid-2010s. We shift the emphasis from how social movements turn into political parties, including significant organisational and personal overlap, to more indirect ways of how protest and electoral politics interact. Specifically, we identify a process composed of two interrelated mechanisms: an external politicisation spiral and an intra-party innovation spiral. We show how mass protest triggers both discursive shifts in the public sphere and internal strategic realignment, providing an opportunity for parties to ride the wave, secure their competitive advantages, and mobilise on the protestors’ grievances in the electoral arena. In such a way, challenger parties can take advantage of street protests even when they do not directly emerge from a movement. Methodologically, the article is based on a paired comparison, relying on survey data and an original protest event analysis that provides novel data on anti-Hartz IV and PEGIDA protest mobilisation in Germany.

2021

Gov&Opp

How do populist radical right parties differentiate their appeal? Evidence from the media strategy of the Hungarian Jobbik party

Endre Borbáth , and Theresa Gessler

Government and Opposition, 2021

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As they become more successful, populist radical right parties face a tension between keeping their nativist credentials and moderating their appeal to gain new voters. We argue that differentiating party messages to core supporters and the wider electorate allows parties to pursue both goals. We outline and empirically illustrate the previously underexplored phenomenon of selective messaging based on the communication strategy of the Hungarian Jobbik party throughout its lifespan (2006–19) in partisan outlets, press releases and Facebook. Using a dictionary approach, we map the co-evolution of populist and nativist mobilization under conditions of supply- and demand-side changes. Our results show the decline and transformation of Jobbik’s nativist appeal, and an increasing reliance on populism. The trend is not uniform; Jobbik relies on nativism as a function of targeting party identifiers or the general electorate in specific media outlets. Our findings show the importance of mapping parties’ programmatic appeal across platforms and over time.
SPSR

Civic and Political Engagement during the Multifaceted COVID-19 Crisis

Endre Borbáth , Sophia Hunger , Swen Hutter , and 1 more author

Swiss Political Science Review, 2021

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Measures to cope with the COVID-19 pandemic have put a sudden halt to street protests and other forms of citizen involvement in Europe. At the same time, the pandemic has increased the need for solidarity, motivating citizens to become involved on behalf of people at risk and the vulnerable more generally. This research note empirically examines the tension between the demobilisation and activation potential of the COVID-19 crisis. Drawing on original survey data from seven Western European countries, we examine the extent, forms, and drivers of citizens’ engagement. Our findings show the remarkable persistence of pre-existing political and civic engagement patterns. Concurrently, we show that threat perceptions triggered by the multifaceted COVID-19 crisis have mobilized Europeans in the early phase of the pandemic. Similarly, the role of extreme ideological orientations in explaining (regular) political engagement indicates that the current situation may create its specific mobilisation potentials.

2020

Party Politics

Two faces of party system stability: Programmatic change and party replacement

Endre Borbáth

Party Politics, 2020

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Despite extensive research on party system stability, the concept is often reduced to the survival of existing parties. This article argues for introducing programmatic stability as a separate dimension and shows how the combination of party replacement and programmatic instability shapes patterns of party competition. Based on their interaction, the article distinguishes four ideal types: stable systems, systems with empty party labels, systems with ephemeral parties, and general instability. The empirical analysis relies on media data and proposes a new measure of programmatic stability to study its interaction with party replacement in fifteen European countries during the period of the economic crisis. As the article shows, the two dimensions shape the transformation of party systems in northwestern, southern, and eastern Europe. Relying on multidimensional scaling, the article analyzes in detail the cases of the United Kingdom, Romania, Ireland, and Latvia to showcase party competition under different conditions of systemic instability.
EJPR

Different worlds of contention? Protest in Northwestern, Southern and Eastern Europe

Endre Borbáth , and Theresa Gessler

European Journal of Political Research, 2020

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Despite the voluminous literature on the ’normalization of protest’, the protest arena is seen as a bastion of left-wing mobilization. While citizens on the left readily turn to the streets, citizens on the right only settle for it as a ’second best option’. However, most studies are based on aggregated cross-national comparisons or only include Northwestern Europe. We contend the aggregate-level perspective hides different dynamics of protest across Europe. Based on individual level data from the European Social Survey (2002-2016), we investigate the relationship between ideology and protest as a key component of the normalization of protest. Using hierarchical logistic regression models, we show that while protest is becoming more common, citizens with different ideological views are not equal in their protest participation across the three European regions. Instead of a general left predominance, we find that in Eastern European countries, right-wing citizens are more likely to protest than those on the left. In Northwestern and Southern European countries, we find the reverse relationship, left-wing citizens are more likely to protest than their right-wing counterparts. Lessons drawn from the protest experience in Northwestern Europe characterized by historical mobilization by the New Left are of limited use for explaining the ideological composition of protest in the Southern and Eastern European countries. We identify historical and contemporary regime access as the mechanism underlying regional patterns: citizens with ideological views that were historically in opposition are more likely to protest. In terms of contemporary regime access, we find that partisanship enhances the effect of ideology, while ideological distance from the government has a different effect in the three regions. As protest gains in importance as a form of participation, the paper contributes to our understanding of regional divergence in the extent to which citizens with varying ideological views use this tool.
Party Politics

Protesting Parties in Europe: A comparative analysis:

Endre Borbáth , and Swen Hutter

Party Politics, 2020

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The article provides the first large-scale study of protest activities by political parties. The empirical analysis draws on original protest event data for 30 European countries based on semi-automated coding of news agencies. The article innovates by (a) proposing a standardized indicator for the extent to which protest and electoral politics relate to each other, (b) showing that parties’ involvement in protests differs across political contexts, and (c) mapping the profile of a typical party-sponsored event and a typical protesting party. Despite long-term trends toward differentiated modes of interest intermediation, the results indicate that a wide range of parties does protest. However, in highly differentiated contexts, the typical protesting party mirrors the outsider image of movement parties: it does not belong to a mainstream party family and has no government experience. By contrast, more strategic factors, such as opposition status, drive parties to the streets in less differentiated contexts.

2019

European Soc.

Challenges from left and right: the long-term dynamics of protest and electoral politics in Western Europe

Swen Hutter , and Endre Borbáth

European Societies, Aug 2019

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The paper looks at how protest politics has developed in Western Europe since the 1970s and how these developments are related to changes in electoral politics. We take up arguments on the two-fold restructuration of political conflict and its different impact on protest and electoral politics. Most importantly, we highlight that the second wave of political change sweeping across Western Europe since the 1990s with increasing conflicts over immigration and European integration left different marks on protest politics as compared to electoral politics. We argue that this difference reflects the driving forces of change and their preferences for specific political arenas, as the momentum shifted from the libertarian left to the populist radical right. More specifically, the results indicate that challengers from the left and challengers from the right follow different logics when it comes to the interplay of protest and electoral mobilization. Empirically, we rely on two large-scale protest event datasets as well as on data on electoral results and campaigns from the 1970s to 2015.

2012

Magy. Kisebb.

A nacionalizmus és a liberalizmus történeti-logikai összefonódásai (II.)

Endre Borbáth

Magyar kisebbség, Aug 2012

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Magy. Kisebb.

A nacionalizmus és a liberalizmus történeti-logikai összefonódásai (I.)

Endre Borbáth

Magyar kisebbség, Aug 2012

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2011

Magy. Kisebb.

Védhető-e a paternalista állam? - liberális, kommunitárius álláspont

Endre Borbáth

Magyar kisebbség, Aug 2011

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Working papers online

2024

SocArXiv

Cultural Backlash? Trends in Opinion Polarisation between Educational Groups in Five European Countries

Stephan Dochow-Sondershaus , Céline Teney , and Endre Borbáth

2024

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2023

I4R

A Comment on Manekin & Mitts 2022: Effective for Whom? Ethnic Identity and Nonviolent Resistance

Jan Dollbaum Fabian , Endre Borbáth , and Jan Dollbaum Matti

2023

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Chapters in edited volumes

2024

Blauen Band

Risikokonflikte und die Restrukturierung des Parteienwettbewerbs

Endre Borbáth , and Swen Hutter

In Wahlen und Wähler - Analysen aus Anlass der Bundestagswahl 2021 , 2024

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Wie sind Konflikte um die Themen Klimawandel und Covid-19 in den politischen Raum eingebettet? Verstärken sie die Polarisierung entlang der kulturellen Konfliktdimension oder liegen sie quer zu den herkömmlichen Konfliktdimensionen? Im Buchkapitel werden die beiden Themen als Risikokonflikte konzeptualisiert und im Kontext der langfristigen Restrukturierung des Parteienwettbewerbs analysiert. Die politische Angebots- und Nachfrageseite wird anhand des Politbarometers, der Nachwahlbefragungen der GLES und Daten zu Wahlkämpfen von 1976 und von 1994 bis 2021 untersucht. Die Ergebnisse bestätigen die Bedeutung des Klimawandels und der Covid-19-Pandemie für die Bundestagswahl 2021. Die langfristige Restrukturierung des politischen Raums in Deutschland folgt Trends in anderen westeuropäischen Ländern. Zudem sind Klimawandel und Covid-19 als Risikokonflikte zumindest bis 2021 im zweidimensionalen Raum verankert und verstärken die Polarisierung entlang der kulturellen Dimension

2022

Oxford HB

Bridging Electoral and Nonelectoral Political Participation

Endre Borbáth , and Swen Hutter

In The Oxford Handbook of Political Participation , 2022

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The chapter examines political participation by citizens who bridge electoral and nonelectoral action forms. While often studied separately, we argue for integrating our understanding of political participation across the two main arenas of mass politics: the electoral and protest arena. We review the scholarly literature, focusing on individual-level drivers and the mobilization context of political participation. We argue that individual-level characteristics do not sufficiently explain variation in the extent of arena bridging. Analyzing voting and attending demonstrations on the individual level in Europe shows that nonelectoral, protest participation complements electoral participation. However, on the macro level, their co-evolution depends on political context conditions and strategies of political parties and social movements. Importantly, the link tends to be closer in moments of crisis and profound cleavage transformation. We back up the literature review with illustrative empirical results about the interplay between electoral and nonelectoral participation based on mass surveys and protest-event analysis.

2021

UMP

COVID-19 in Central and Eastern Europe - Focus on Czechia, Hungary, and Bulgaria

Olga Löblová , Julia Rone , and Endre Borbáth

In Coronavirus Politics: The Comparative Politics and Policy of COVID-19 , 2021

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Springer VS

Politische Parteien Als Protestakteure

Endre Borbáth , and Swen Hutter

In Soziologie der Parteien , 2021

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2020

CUP

Are political parties recapturing the streets of Europe? A cross-regional study of party protests in the Great Recession

Endre Borbáth , and Swen Hutter

In Contention in times of crises: Comparing political protest in 30 European countries, 2000-2015. , 2020

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Political mobilization in the electoral and protest arenas have long been studied as separate phenomena, following their own, independent dynamic. Parties and protests are rarely examined within the same framework, although the protest engagement of political parties is often assumed to be one of the main driving forces of the wave of protest in southern European countries, those most exposed to the economic crisis. The chapter provides the first large-scale study of protests sponsored by political parties across Europe before and after the Great Recession. It relies on a novel protest event dataset, collected by semi-automated content analysis of news agencies. The data cover protests in thirty countries, from 2000 to 2015. The results show the ’crowding out’ of political parties as the driving force of the protest wave in southern Europe. We find the highest share of party sponsored protest in eastern Europe, where unlike in north-western and southern Europe, right-wing and non-mainstream parties are also active in protest. In line with the overall findings of the book, our results confirm the distinctive dynamic of protest in the three European macro-regions and put the link between social movements and the new challenger parties in perspective.

2019

CUP

Romania - Polity Contestation and the Resilience of Mainstream Parties

Endre Borbáth

In European Party Politics in Times of Crises , 2019

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2018

EGPP ch.

When the Post-Communist Left Succeeds: The 2016 Romanian Parliamentary Election

Endre Borbáth

In 2017: Europe’s Bumper Year of Elections , 2018

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Book reviews

2022

Party Politics

Book Review: Extreme Reactions: Radical Right Mobilization in Eastern Europe

Endre Borbáth

May 2022

2017

EEQ review

Philipp Ther. 2016. Europe since 1989: A History

Endre Borbáth

May 2017

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2016

EAS review

Post-Communist Romania at Twenty-Five. Linking Past, Present, and Future

Endre Borbáth

May 2016

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